Thursday, December 2nd, 2021

Rann of UP: The era of martyrdom of principles, the BJP, which was betrayed twice, formed Mayawati’s government, but could not fulfill it even for the third time.

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Summary

The BJP supported for the third time and got the same government formed by Mayawati, from whom she had cheated twice. However, soon the ‘third divorce’ of the BJP-BSP also happened. In this period, new philosophies of political friendship and enmity between Mulayam and Kalyan were written.

Mayawati and Mulayam Singh, file pic
– Photo : Amar Ujala

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The year 2002 showed the game of making and deteriorating new political relations in the politics of the state. This was the period when, writing a new chapter of politics on the martyrdom of principles, BJP supported for the third time and got the same government formed by Mayawati, from whom she had cheated twice. However, soon the ‘third divorce’ of the BJP-BSP also happened. In this period, new philosophies of political friendship and enmity between Mulayam and Kalyan were written. Which was also very interesting and also an example of hanging the principles on the cross. If friendship turns into enmity, then enmity turns into friendship. The BJP seemed compelled to ease the way for a vehement political enemy like Mulayam to be crowned chief minister. Two governments were formed during this period, one of Mayawati and the other of Mulayam Singh. Interestingly, the way for the formation of both the governments was paved somewhere by the BJP. The coincidence of becoming two Chief Ministers in one session, which started from the year 1993, continued in this period as well. The only difference was that in 1993, first Mulayam became the Chief Minister and then Mayawati in his place and in the year 2002, first Mayawati became the Chief Minister, followed by Mulayam Singh Yadav.

Now let’s talk about the 2002 assembly elections. Uttarakhand was separated. The 425-seat assembly was reduced to 403 seats. The political landscape had changed a lot when the assembly elections were held. The leader of the Ram temple movement, Kalyan Singh, had bid farewell to the BJP. Kalyan Singh was in the fray with a vow to destroy the BJP by forming the National Revolution Party. Kalyan, who was aware of the political mathematics of the state and the strategic moves of the BJP, became a big challenge for the BJP.
Ramprakash Gupta, who became the Chief Minister after Kalyan, had died and Rajnath Singh took over as the Chief Minister from 28 October 2000 in his place. As soon as he took the chair, he started preparing to win the 2002 election season. His notable such as implementing the formula of giving reservation to farmers to start government procurement of paddy, according to the report of Mandal Commission, to distribute 27 percent reservation to backwards among non-Yadav backwards and non-Jatav Dalits in the ratio of their population. There were jobs.

Kalyan’s rebellion overshadowed and changed outlook on Ram temple
To maintain the enthusiasm of victory among the workers, during that period, Rajnath’s claim, ‘Jeete koi, but the government will be made by us’, remained in the news a lot. But none of Rajnath’s measures could save the BJP from the damage caused by Kalyan’s rebellion. BJP’s changing stand on Ram Janmabhoomi has done the right thing. The way the BJP changed its stand on the promise of building a Ram temple to protect its governments in Uttar Pradesh and the Center and to keep the alliance partners stoic, it also had to bear the brunt. The BSP, formed almost 18 years ago, got 98 seats more than that, while the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav, formed about ten years ago, emerged as the single largest party with the victory of 143 MLAs. The Congress, which calls itself the country’s oldest party, was reduced to just 25 seats. Ajit Singh’s RLD got 14 seats.

Even after the largest party, the power was away from the SP
BJP’s Kalraj Mishra and Rajnath Singh were talking about not forming the government and sitting in the opposition due to lack of majority since the election results. But, in the end, the faction like former BJP MP Ram Prakash Tripathi was able to convince the party high command which was advocating to form the government with the support of BSP. In the year 1993, where the BJP was not allowed to form the government despite being the single largest party by the SP and the BSP, in 2002, despite Mulayam Singh’s Samajwadi Party emerging as the single largest party with a victory in 143 seats, his government Couldn’t make it.

Kalraj resigns, BJP’s infighting bomb explodes
The defeat of the BJP, which was battling with the camp of leaders, made the then state president Kalraj Mishra so angry that he could not control his anger. In the meeting of the state working committee convened for review after the election, he resigned from the post of president, holding the chief leaders of the state to pull each other’s legs for the defeat from the open platform. This has brought further disrepute to the BJP. The BJP high command also probably took it as bad and accepted his resignation. Vinay Katiyar was made the president in his place.

Seeing that no party formed the government, President’s rule was imposed at first, but later the BJP and BSP coalition government was formed under the pressure of the leaders who were in favor of forging an alliance with BSP for the third time. Mayawati took over as the Chief Minister of the state for the third time on 3 May 2002 with the support of BJP and RLD. BJP leaders Lalji Tandon, Omprakash Singh, Kalraj Mishra, Hukum Singh, Ramprakash Tripathi and some other leaders joined his cabinet.

Mayawati again went on her agenda, increased rar
As soon as Mayawati became the Chief Minister, she started such work again that it was difficult for the BJP to maintain its third alliance with the BSP for a long time. By November, Mayawati arrested Raghuraj Pratap Singh Raja Bhaiya, the MLA of Kunda and put him in jail. The year 2003 itself began with a direct confrontation between the BJP and the BSP. Mayawati slapped a case against Raja Bhaiya under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). The reason for Mayawati’s displeasure with them was the incident in which 20 MLAs, including Raja Bhaiya and Dhananjay Singh, met Governor Vishnukant Shastri and demanded the dismissal of the Mayawati government.

Taj Corridor episode has done the right thing
Meanwhile, the relationship between the Mayawati government and the then Atal Bihari Vajpayee government at the Center worsened over the disturbances in the construction of the Taj Heritage Corridor. The reason for this was to raise the objection of the then Union Tourism Minister Jagmohan on the construction work being done without completing the prescribed process. An angry Mayawati called a press conference on 29 July and demanded Jagmohan’s removal from the Union Cabinet. Mayawati called a rally on 26 August. But, the BJP got an idea from somewhere that Mayawati could recommend the dissolution of the government to the Governor by announcing the resignation of the government the night before the rally. BJP State President Vinay Katiyar and MLA Lalji Tandon met Governor Vishnukant Shastri on the late night of 25 August and handed him a letter to withdraw support to the government. By the time Mayawati called the cabinet and reached the governor with a letter recommending dissolution of the government, the BJP had played the game.

The path of Mulayam Singh Yadav’s return to power in 2003 was made easy by the then central government of his arch rival BJP. This is also reflected in what the high-ranking leaders of the party had said at that time. Despite being cheated twice, angry with the insistence of some BJP leaders to form the government by supporting the BSP, the then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had already warned that this time if he does not agree with the BSP, then he will face President’s rule or the path of elections. Will not choose, but will give preference to the formation of an alternative government. Even if Mulayam Singh Yadav’s government is formed.

BJP State President Vinay Katiyar and MLA Lalji Tandon met the Governor on the late night of 25 August 2003 and submitted a letter to withdraw support to the Mayawati government. On the other hand, Mayawati was holding a rally on August 26, while on the other hand Mulayam was claiming to form the government. In the meeting of the BJP Parliamentary Board held in Delhi on the same day, it was decided that the better option than dissolution of the assembly is to impose President’s rule there, as re-election so soon is not a good idea. It was agreed that if Mulayam Singh is in a position to form the government as the largest party, then his government should be allowed to form. Even after the formation of Mulayam’s government, the way BJP leader Keshari Nath Tripathi was kept as Speaker of the Assembly for a long time, the role of BJP in forming the government can also be understood. Keshari Nath resigned on 19 May 2004 when the central leadership asked him to do so.

Dramatic developments started in the state with Mulayam claiming to form the government. On August 27, 13 BSP MLAs gave a letter to the Governor asking them to support Mulayam Singh for the chief minister’s post. The BSP objected and demanded the cancellation of his membership considering his conduct as evidence of voluntary defection. Swami Prasad Maurya, the then leader of the BSP Legislature Party, also gave a petition to the then Speaker of the Assembly, Keshari Nath Tripathi. But, the Speaker did not accept the BSP’s argument. Mulayam Singh Yadav handed over the list of 210 MLAs to the Governor as soon as he got the support of 13 MLAs who rebelled against the BSP.

The split and split in the BSP kept on increasing.
37 more BSP MLAs met on 6 September and met Speaker Keshari Nath Tripathi to seek recognition as a separate party. Tripathi recognized them as the democratic Bahujan Dal in the evening itself. Later it merged with SP.

The battle of the house reached the court
The BSP challenged the Speaker’s decision by filing a petition in the Lucknow Bench of the High Court against the defection of 13 MLAs. The High Court, in its judgment on 12 March 2006, set aside the Speaker’s decision to recognize the split of 37 BSP MLAs as a separate party. Also urged the Speaker to reconsider his decision on the membership of 13 MLAs and take a decision. This decision was challenged by both the parties in the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court, on 14 February 2007, ruled that the break in BSP was illegal. Also, the membership of 13 MLAs was rejected. The Supreme Court also overturned the Speaker’s decision. But, it did not yield any result as the term of the assembly was over. Assembly elections were held in the state in April-May 2007, in which the BSP got an absolute majority.

If you change your heart, then you will also…
On 29 August 2003, the Governor administered oath to Mulayam Singh Yadav as the Chief Minister for the third time. The then BJP leader Lalji Tandon justified the governor’s decision and said that it would strengthen democracy. By that time, Chaudhary Ajit Singh, who was considered a staunch opponent of Mulayam, also announced his support to his government. Kalyan Singh, who called Mulayam a killer of kar sevaks, was seen gathering majority for him. Even though Mulayam did not allow Sonia Gandhi to become the Prime Minister in 1999 raising the issue of foreign origin, Sonia also got Congress MLAs to support her government. In the year 2002, some BJP MLAs, who were angry over not being able to become a minister, broke down and stood with Mulayam Singh.

This period will not only be discussed for Kalyan’s association with Mulayam, but more than that he will also be remembered for his atonement. The Hindutva and swayamsevatva within Kalyan started to rise after causing huge political damage to the BJP. The then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, whom Kalyan had pulled out of the BJP after targeting him in 1999, had come to Lucknow on 24 December 2003, on the eve of his birthday. The winds of the 2004 Lok Sabha elections had started blowing. Vajpayee’s birthday was celebrated in the evening at the residence of former minister and senior BJP leader Lalji Tandon at 13 Mall Avenue. Kalyan reached there. He had raised a finger on Atal, saying. Today I am feeding laddus by adding five fingers. A few days later, he returned to the BJP. Kalyan returned to the BJP but the votes that went with him leaving the BJP did not return. In the Lok Sabha elections, the BJP had to face a crushing defeat in the state. She was reduced to 10 seats.

Expansion

The year 2002 showed the game of making and deteriorating new political relations in the politics of the state. This was the period when, writing a new chapter of politics on the martyrdom of principles, BJP supported for the third time and got the same government formed by Mayawati, from whom she had cheated twice. However, soon the ‘third divorce’ of the BJP-BSP also happened. In this period, new philosophies of political friendship and enmity between Mulayam and Kalyan were written. Which was also very interesting and also an example of hanging the principles on the cross. If friendship turns into enmity, then enmity turns into friendship. The BJP seemed compelled to ease the way for a vehement political enemy like Mulayam to be crowned chief minister. Two governments were formed during this period, one of Mayawati and the other of Mulayam Singh. Interestingly, the way for the formation of both the governments was paved somewhere by the BJP. The coincidence of becoming two Chief Ministers in one session, which started from the year 1993, continued in this period as well. The only difference was that in 1993, first Mulayam became the Chief Minister and then Mayawati in his place and in the year 2002, first Mayawati became the Chief Minister, followed by Mulayam Singh Yadav.

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